Quaid-e-Azam, Muhammad
Ali Jinnah was born on 25th December 1876 at Vazeer Mansion Karachi,
was the first of seven children of Jinnahbhai, a prosperous merchant.
After being taught at home, Jinnah was sent to the Sindh Madrasasah
High School in 1887. Later he attended the Mission High School,
where, at the age of 16, he passed the matriculation examination
of the University of Bombay. On the advice of an English friend,
his father decided to send him to England to acquire business experience.
Jinnah, however, had made up his mind to become a barrister. In
keeping with the custom of the time, his parents arranged for an
early marriage for him before he left for England.
In London he joined Lincoln's Inn, one of the legal societies that
prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was
called to the bar. While in London Jinnah suffered two severe bereavements--the
deaths of his wife and his mother. Nevertheless, he completed his
formal studies and also made a study of the British political system,
frequently visiting the House of Commons. He was greatly influenced
by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone, who had become prime
minister for the fourth time in 1892, the year of Jinnah's arrival
in London. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India
and in Indian students. When the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji,
a leading Indian nationalist, ran for the English Parliament, Jinnah
and other Indian students worked day and night for him. Their efforts
were crowned with success, and Naoroji became the first Indian to
sit in the House of Commons.
When Jinnah returned to Karachi in 1896, he found that his father's
business had suffered losses and that he now had to depend on himself.
He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay, but it took him
years of work to establish himself as a lawyer.
It was nearly 10 years later that he turned toward active politics.
A man without hobbies, his interest became divided between law and
politics. Nor was he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad
sense and had little to do with sects. His interest in women was
also limited to Ruttenbai--the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a
Bombay Parsi millionaire--whom he married over tremendous opposition
from her parents and others. The marriage proved an unhappy one.
It was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company.
Entry into politics
Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the 1906 Calcutta
session of the Indian National Congress, the party that called for
dominion status and later for independence for India. Four years
later he was elected to the Imperial Legislative Council--the beginning
of a long and distinguished parliamentary career. In Bombay he came
to know, among other important Congress personalities, Gopal Krishna
Gokhale, the eminent Maratha leader. Greatly influenced by these
nationalist politicians, Jinnah aspired during the early part of
his political life to become "a Muslim Gokhale." Admiration
for British political institutions and an eagerness to raise the
status of India in the international community and to develop a
sense of Indian nationhood among the peoples of India were the chief
elements of his politics. At that time, he still looked upon Muslim
interests in the context of Indian nationalism.
But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the conviction had been
growing among the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation
of their separate identity rather than amalgamation in the Indian
nation that would for all practical purposes be Hindu. Largely to
safeguard Muslim interests, the All-India Muslim League was founded
in 1906. But Jinnah remained aloof from it. Only in 1913, when authoritatively
assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress to the political
emancipation of India, did Jinnah join the league. When the Indian
Home Rule League was formed, he became its chief organiser in Bombay
and was elected president of the Bombay branch.
"Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity." Jinnah's endeavours
to bring about thepolitical union of Hindus and Muslims earned him
the title of "the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity,"
an epithet coined by Gokhale. It was largely through his efforts that
the Congress and the Muslim League began to hold their annual sessions
jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation. In 1915
the two organisations held their meetings in Bombay and in 1916 in
Lucknow, where the Lucknow Pact was concluded. Under the terms of
the pact, the two organisations put their seal to a scheme of constitutional
reform that became their joint demand vis-à-vis the British
government. There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims
obtained one important concession in the shape of separate electorates,
already conceded to them by the government in 1909 but hitherto resisted
by the Congress.
Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person
of Mohandas K. Gandhi. Both the Home Rule League and the Indian
National Congress had come under his sway. Opposed to Gandhi's Non-co-operation
Movement and his essentially Hindu approach to politics, Jinnah
left both the League and the Congress in 1920. For a few years he
kept himself aloof from the main political movements. He continued
to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and constitutional methods
for the achievement of political ends. After his withdrawal from
the Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the propagation
of his views. But during the 1920s the Muslim League, and with it
Jinnah, had been overshadowed by the Congress and the religiously
oriented Muslim Khilafat committee.
When the failure of the Non-co-operation Movement and the emergence
of Hindu revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between
the Hindus and Muslims, the league gradually began to come into
its own. Jinnah's problem during the following years was to convert
the league into an enlightenedpolitical body prepared to co-operate
with other organisations working for the good of India. In addition,
he had to convince the Congress, as a prerequisite for political
progress, of the necessity of settling the Hindu-Muslim conflict.
To bring about such a rapprochement was Jinnah's chief purpose
during the late 1920s and early 1930s. He worked toward this end
within the legislative assembly, at the Round Table Conferences
in London (1930-32), and through his 14 points, which included proposals
for a federal form of government, greater rights for minorities,
one-third representation for Muslims in the central legislature,
separation of the predominantly Muslim Sindh region from the rest
of the Bombay province, and the introduction of reforms in the north-west
Frontier Province. But he failed. His failure to bring about even
minor amendments in the Nehru Committee proposals (1928) over the
question of separate electorates and reservation of seats for Muslims
in the legislatures frustrated him. He found himself in a peculiar
position at this time; many Muslims thought that he was too nationalistic
in his policy and that Muslim interests were not safe in his hands,
while the Indian National Congress would not even meet the moderate
Muslim demands halfway. Indeed, the Muslim League was a house divided
against itself. The Punjab Muslim League repudiated Jinnah's leadership
and organised itself separately. In disgust, Jinnah decided to settle
in England. From 1930 to 1935 he remained in London, devoting himself
to practice before the Privy Council. But when constitutional changes
were in the offing, he was persuaded to return home to head a reconstituted
Muslim League.
Soon preparations started for the elections under the Government
of India Act of 1935. Jinnah was still thinking in terms of co-operation
between the Muslim League and the Hindu Congress and with coalition
governments in the provinces. But the elections of 1937 proved to
be a turning point in the relations between the two organisations.
The Congress obtained an absolute majority in six provinces, and
the league did not do particularly well. The Congress decided not
to include the league in the formation of provincial governments,
and exclusive all-Congress governments were.
Creator of Pakistan
Jinnah had originally been dubious about the practicability of Pakistan,
an idea that Sir Muhammad Iqbal had propounded to the Muslim League
conference of 1930; but before long he became convinced that a Muslim
homeland on the Indian subcontinent was the only way of safeguarding
Muslim interests and the Muslim way of life. It was not religious
persecution that he feared so much as the future exclusion of Muslims
from all prospects of advancement within India as soon as power
became vested in the close-knit structure of Hindu social organisation.
To guard against this danger he carried on a nation-wide campaign
to warn his coreligionists of the perils of their position, and
he converted the Muslim League into a powerful instrument for unifying
the Muslims into a nation.
At this point, Jinnah emerged as the leader of a renascent Muslim
nation. Events began to move fast. On March 22-23, 1940, in Lahore,
the league adopted a resolution to form a separate Muslim state,
Pakistan. The Pakistan idea was first ridiculed and then tenaciously
opposed by the Congress. But it captured the imagination of the
Muslims. Pitted against Jinnah were men of the stature of Gandhi
and Jawaharlal Nehru. And the British government seemed to be intent
on maintaining the political unity of the Indian subcontinent. But
Jinnah led his movement with such skill and tenacity that ultimately
both the Congress and the British government had no option but to
agree to the partitioning of India. Pakistan thus emerged as an
independent state in 14th August, 1947.
Jinnah became the first head of the new state i.e. Pakistan. He took
oath as the first governor general on August 15, 1947. Faced with
the serious problems of a young nation, he tackled Pakistan's problems
with authority. He was not regarded as merely the governor-general;
he was revered as the father of the nation. He worked hard until overpowered
by age and disease in Karachi. He died on 11th September, 1948 at
Karachi. |